Friday, February 29, 2008

An apology to Octavius

Fellow countrymen:

I know that many of you, in addition to being angered at my actions towards Caesar, are angered at my general decorum in the Senate. May I remind you all that no true Roman is to ever apologize for slaying a tyrant, but is to instead be praised as a hero. I leave the Senate to debate this issue tomorrow, as the state decides what is best for its own. As for my interruptions during our meetings, what honorable Roman would allow the subtler forms of tyranny to slip through the lips of the few who lie, claiming to profess the good of the Republic, when it is their ambition that drives them, not their patriotism. However, you have my pledge that I will honor my fellow Senators and attempt to let everyone speak within reason, no matter how much my blood is boiling. For the order of the populace depends on the example of order the Senate sets for them.

And as for my mistake regarding Octavian, I have to apologize. He has not proven himself hostile to the Republic. My messengers provided me with a false rumor. What is more, the inevitable nature of what I had to perform in order to save the Republic has caused my wife and I great greif.

It is not the fault of Octavian that Caesar appointed him magister equitum designate, just as it was not my fault that Caesar sought after my council after Pharsalus, both in matters of the sword and state. As his advisor and friend I warned him of the hazardous state of dependence to which he subjected the Republic; in the latter years of his reign as "king," as "Divus Julius," Caesar began to understand the irreversible situation into which he had plunged the Republic and therefore further absorbed himself in his military campaigns. For this is what was familiar to him. Internal administration, as we all know, was not.

But back to the subject of Octavian: while it is true that I insulted his honor due to misinformation, and for that must profusely apologize, the truth of the matter remains that he is rallying his legions in the East from Rome in Caesar's name. Thus he has proven his army to be a potential threat. I ask you, Senators: while it is true that the image of Caesar unified our army because they were largely his army, they must know that he is alive no longer and that Rome is greater than any man. To continue to call upon the image of a ghost, as if to allow our armies to forget for whose cause they fight, is highly unwise. This is the sort of thing you would expect from a youth like Octavian: it is impetuous, ambitious, and irrational, and furthermore, it is simply too easy. While Octavian no doubt is to be honored as wise beyond his years, the fact remains that he does not have seasoned military experience on his side. Therefore, I propose that we divide his legions amongst the 3 frontier borders. The reasonings for this are twofold: firstly, the nations surrounding us are agitated by Caesar's constant warring and therefore constantly harassing our provinces. Secondly, this would allow Octavian to gain more military experience under the watch of the Senate.

I also propose that, in return for official Senator status, that Octavian, along with the other commanders of his army, be required to sign an oath of loyalty to the Senate to only act in the best interests of the Republic. I think that we are all in agreement when we say that we can afford no private citizen an army of his own. But we do need the ability to focus on the internal administrative issues at hand, Senators, without being distracted by either Parthia, Gaul, or Egypt and her scheming queen.

And as for my trial, I do not condone it. Frankly, I am surprised that you, supporters of Caesar and lovers of convenient justice, suggest to use our court system. But I am not surprised that you favor to use it inappropriately and for your own personal gain, for these are the "virtues" which the late Caesar favored. I know that those who model themselves on Caesar's form of governance--that is, favoring personal friends as opposed to appointing those who would best serve the Republic--will not listen to my reasoning. But I must speak my mind on my own trial in hopes that rational men will hear, if this spurious "trial" is to take place. For it rather feels like a petty act of revenge, attempted by those who are angered that they can no longer live in the glorious shadow of the giant that was Caesar. If a trial is held, think of the factionalism that will arise in the Republic. You, Caesarians, will drive the knife deeper. You not only punish me, but the 22 other nobiles who aided in this plot. Are these conscriptions, Senators, or a fair and balanced trial? To me this smacks of Maruis and Sulla. It is one thing to have proper room to protest within a Republic, but Caesar, with his absolute control of all Rome, all of the rest of us being his puppets, left us no room for protest. There were either the nobiles who bought into his flattery, or the nobiles who eventually found their way out of such confusing tyranny of the soul. There was no room for dialogue in Caesar's Rome! The rule of one man always stifles virtue! No one could but praise him, not out of their will, but out of fear or lust for power. Even Cicero, the father of our country, was rendered a slave to his "clemency" when invited back from his exile, and was forced to utter these prophetic words, both complement and entreaty:

"For it has often come to my ears that you are in the habit of using that expression much too frequently--that you have lived long enough for yourself. I dare say you have; but I could only be willing to hear you say so if you lived long enough for yourself alone, or if you had been born for yourself alone. But as it is, as your exploits have brought the safety of all the citizens and the entire Republic to a dependence on you, you are so far from having completed your greatest labors, that you have not even laid out the foundations which you design to lay."

I must agree with Cicero that Caesar never delivered this glorious Republic into our hands. But why must we wait for Caesar to deliver, why did we ever wait for him, when we are men perfectly capable of together achieving ten times the glory of Caesar, if we would only work together? I am not overthrowing anything but tyranny, and not restoring anything that was not here in the first place. I am not a revolutionary, but a patriot. For the rest of you who are still not convinced of my innocence, I leave you with a quote from the speech of the honorable Scribo:

"In order for the proper actions to take place, the decision on what the act truly was needs to be decided. If it was a murder, it should be dealt with as a murder. If the killing was a noble act of tyrant-slaying, exalt the liberators and erect statues in the forum."

I beg of you to consider the terms for a trial before one is convened. We must first decide whether or not Caesar was, by definition of our constitution, considered a tyrant before any lengthy trial is to take place.

Viewpoint of a Centurion Part Deux

Though we as Senate are currently debating matters that have more immediate implications, I feel compelled to address the issue of the eventual fate of the conspirators of Rome. I have disclosed my beliefs on the ideal government for the Rome. History substantiates that a republic composed of men of the utmost character, intelligence, and integrity undoubtedly surpasses any other form of government. Ironically, the men who champion the notions of the Republic, my notions of the Republic, are the assailants of my military and intellectual mentor. Rumors have even surfaced that Caesar’s assassination intentionally coincided with my absence in the Senate. Despite my grief, I will not let my temper overcome my judgment.
Only the mighty gods and the future know whether the conspirators acted in Rome’s best interest. I certainly would have rather the conspirators voice their opinions of Caesar in the senate like the politicians they are, and left the blade to me and my fellow soldiers. Nevertheless, we cannot alter the past, and we must, as a unified body, move forward. If the goal of this body is actually to reinstitute the Republic, and to further the legitimacy and credibility of this assembly, then let us handle this issue legally, as a lawful republic. To label these men as public enemies without a fair trial would be imprudent. However, it would also be imprudent to acquit these men, who publicly confess to the slaying of another person, of all charges. Tyrant or not, politician or private citizen, a true republic prosecutes those who commit murder. Let the Senate decide if the murder was justifiable. Let the trial of these men be another measure that ultimately results in the reestablishment of the Republic.
With the acts of the conspirators and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus tarnishing Rome’s reputation amongst our citizens as well as our international reputation abroad, let us show that the internal affairs of this country are dealt with by reason, not the blade. Though throughout my life, I have found the sword to be highly persuasive, now is the time for prudence. Now is the time for reason. I understand the quarrel with a trial in this Senate. The conspicuous divide of the Senate already exists, and the assembly will inevitably vote based on those faction lines. Yet, some of the Senate is indeterminate. Some of the senators do not possess loyalty to either faction. Therefore, I propose that a select panel of those unaffiliated senators serve as the jury for the trial of the conspirators. Controversial, yes, but I feel this is the only legitimate way to fairly determine the fate of the senators.

A General Address to the Roman Legions

To the fighting men of Rome, I salute you!

Some of you may have heard of the debating of the Senate. Some of you have even heard of my presence there, and my reluctance to address the Senate directly. I have a respect from decorum—I always have—and understand that I am beneath the minimum age for a Roman Senator. In accordance to aetas senatoria, to run an election, one must be thirty-one years of age, and to hold an official Senate seat, the normal minimum is thirty-two years of age.

Still, some of you are frustrating, as you have a right to be. When I was in Apollonia, as your commander, you swore your loyalty to me upon hearing of the assassination of the dictator, my adoptive father, Gaius Julius Caesar. You pledged your loyalty to me as your commander, and then, as the only son of Gaius Julius Caesar.

You have honored me, centurions and legionaries, and so shall I honor you. Indeed, I had the privilege of presenting to some of you, personally, the sum of money left to you in my adoptive father's will, as I have presided over the distribution of funds personally. But it is more than just this small gift.

Some of you cry, "Justice for Caesar!". And it is my cry as well. My father, indeed our father, was murdered. What greater insult is there? And yet, I have sat silently in the Senate.

I do so because I honor you. So have you pledged your lives to me, I shall not waste them. So much as it might be inevitable, I do not want Civil War. I do not want to fight the man who committed a crime against the Senate by trying to honor his brother-in-arms, my father, by giving him a decent burial. But most of all, I do not want you men to be forced to fight each other, to forced to kill and be killed, because of your loyalty to my father. And I do not want you, the soldiers, to have to worry for your families in Rome, caught up in this crisis.

But if ordered to fight, we must all do so, for Rome and her people, for our fathers and our families. That is why such a crisis looms.

In the meantime, what can I do? I can honor you men. I can do everything to assure that you are fed, equipped, and paid as appropriate. I do everything I can to bolster your numbers, for there is strength in numbers. But there is also honor in service, and that is the fate of a Roman soldier. Indeed, through the crisis, you men continue to serve—you protect the borders of the Republic, ensuring the safety of us all.

The fate of my father's murderers will be addressed in time. I wish it could be today, but to ask for such would be to bring Rome, her citizens and her warriors, into crisis. I, personally, will put your safety, and the safety of your families, as one of my primary concerns—I owe that to you, honorable men.

How to properly honor Rome's heroes

Although Gaius Julius Caesar’s body was not exactly flushed down the Tiber River as it should have been, I am now able to sleep with ease knowing that Rome’s citizens will not have to endure a public funeral of their tyrant leader. Lepidus has privately stored the body where it can no longer do harm to this great nation: underground. With the issue of his body having been dealt with, we must now devote our attention to the next important matter: how to properly praise Marcus Junius Brutus and the liberators of Rome.

Senator Quintus Pedius suggests that the saviors of Rome’s democracy should build a great monument to Caesar “in remembrance of the great deeds he performed for the glory of his country.” Preposterous! Must I remind you, once again, that Caesar marched on Rome with his own legion? The deeds he performed which you claim were “great,” he performed them for the glory of himself, not his country. Rather that put Rome to shame by erecting a statue of Caesar, I propose that re-unite Rome by erecting a statue of liberty, a statue of freedom: a statue of Brutus. A statue of our oppressive former leader, I guarantee you, will not stand for long without being vandalized and spit upon. As Caesar learned himself, Rome will not tolerate tyranny. There are a countless number of citizens and of you senators who desired to ridden Rome of its misery by assassinating Caesar, but you hesitated. ‘What about my quest for consulship?’ ‘What about the debt I owe?’ These cowardly questions did not taint Brutus’ courage and patriotism. He could no longer stand the constant humiliation Caesar made of this noble country. Brutus and his fellow saviors should be honored and praised. How dare you denounce these men who fought against their personal relationships and friendships with Caesar for the sake of the Senatus Populum Que Romanus. These liberators have fought for Rome and fought well. Gaius Trebonius commanded the forces at our victory in Massilia, yet must have spit at disgust when Caesar praised him for his services. Fighting alongside Trebonius at Massilia was Servilius Casca, who demonstrated his will to do anything in his power to save our glorious country; even if it meant ending the life of his close personal friend, Caesar. What does it say about a man when he is murdered gruesomely by his cousin (Decimus Brutus) and his close personal friends (Servilius Casca and Brutus)? This “father of Rome” is so oppressive that his own family and friends could not stand to see him ruin their country. They could not stand to see him ruin our country. One could argue that Brutus conspired against Caesar for personal gains. How can this be so, when Brutus, along with Decimus Brutus, was mentioned in Caesar’s will and would have become consul under Caesar regardless?

I ask you, not as senators or men of high prestige, but as fellow Roman citizens. Do you not see that there is a reason that Caesar was buried privately and secretly? I am not satisfied with this action, as I know of no other criminal who received the honor of peaceful burial. But once again, I motion that our heroes be rewarded in the following way: we shall have statues constructed of them in our Forum, serving as a constant reminder of the reason we are still the greatest city in the world.

Thursday, February 28, 2008

De funere patris patriae

In my speeches before the Senate and in my letters to you all, I have consistently stated that Caesar deserves those honors worthy of a Roman citizen.  Those who seek public funding with which to hold funerary games in Caesar's honor have cited their desire to remember him as "Father of the Country", as "Dictator for life", and as general of multiple triumphs.  Allow me to address each of these individually.
It is true that Caesar was voted multiple triumphs for his victories, but other Roman generals have been given the same award.  How quickly we forget the three triumphs celebrated by Pompey!  How much more quickly we have forgotten the location of his Egyptian tomb!
Caesar was given the title of "Dictator for Life", but it is of great importance to recognize the meaning behind this phrase.  Whatever may be though concerning his death, the fact remains that Caesar is dead.  The title "Dictator" had been given him for the remainder of his life, but now that he is gone, so is the title.  If honors should be given to Caesar, let them be given to him as he is, a former Dictator.  After the Caesar's end he became once again a Private Citizen of Rome, as I did after my consulship.
Arguments for Public Games for Caesar's memory begin, and often end, with the recollection that he was "Parens Patriae".  I wish to remind the Senate, however, that so am I.  After the Republic had been freed of the boil named Catiline, Quintus Catulus lead the Senate in hailing me as Parens Patriae.  
I do not speak out against Public Game for Caesar out of jealousy or envy of his legacy.  I seek to give Caesar the same form of remembrance I ask for myself.
Cicero

To the Fathers of the Senate:

Fellow Senators,

I would like to apologize for not clearing up matters of the burial of my son-in-law Caesar in our earlier meeting. As you have heard, he took the body of Caesar from the house of my daughter Calpurnia without my knowledge. I am not criticizing Lepidus on this matter. I know Lepidus acted honorably and did his duty to appease his troops. I ask those opposed to funeral games; please take kindly upon the fact that this was a funeral for Caesar the General, not Caesar as family or friend. I was not aware of the burial until after it took place and therefore could not properly pay my respects. I am sure many other Senators have been thrust into this position as well.

There is another issue concerning Lepidus that I must address at once. He had the power to bury Caesar because he has command of an army that was loyal to Caesar. Lepidus is no longer Magister Equitum and as of yet we have not re-assigned him to any public office. As a private citizen he has no authority to lead an army. We must discuss this at once in the Senate. Should we disband the army? Should we send it elsewhere? Shouold we give command to another magistrate? He has deliberately attacked and threatened the Senate and the very Republic we are all fighting for! He is crying for warfare and bloodshed. The duty of the Senate is to discuss proper actions for the good of the state. We are not bloodthirsty warriors or gladiators roaming about for a kill! When has anyone ever seen the fornication of small boys take place in the Senate? What a ridiculous and vicious attack! Lepidus, please see reason. I do not want an enemy, but you will have no friends in the Senate if you continue your rash behavior.

I look forward to seeing all of you at the next meeting.

Piso

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

The Child Speaks! (Or rather, sulks...)

It appears, my dear Lepidus, that you mock the life of philosopher, yet had you paid any attention you would see that it is the philosopher who speaks bravely before the Senate, while it is our esteemed former Master of Horse who sulks like a cowardly dog.  Should you have a legitimate argument with me, by all means, challenge me in the Senate.  I hardly expect it though.  It appears Antony took your manly virtue as well as your testicles when he so easily brushed you aside in the Senate meeting the other day.  So what indeed will you do?  Kill me?  There are things worse than death.  Challenge me?  How?  When you know that virtue will expose you for petulant child who seeks only his own fortune.  You have burned Caesar.  Perhaps you should have saved us the trouble and burned yourself as well.  Since you are now a private citizen, your maintenance of a legion within the city draws dangerously close to rebellion, a crime for which we all know the punishment.  Take my advice, let go your childish ways, take up the life of an honorable private citizen of the Republic, and stop this non-sense.  You may yet be regarded as a good man, Lepidus, do not disappoint your country.

If you want something done about the conspirators, do it yourself.

But for the rest of you senators debating what to do about the actions of the conspirators, follow their example. They did not ask for permission to kill Julius Caesar. They did what they did and they claim it to be justified as being, in their minds, in the best interests of the Republic. As long as anyone acknowledges that as a valid justification, USE IT! The longer you allow them to audaciously parade their crimes in front of you, the more right their action seems. If you truly loved Julius Caesar, and if you truly are a man, or at least as manly as them, KILL THEM! They privately killed Caesar, so privately kill them. They have only justified their actions for themselves, not for the Republic. Do not bother about justifying your actions to anyone else. If you are sick of their words, silence their tongues forever. If you are incensed by their actions, stay their hands forever. If you want them dead, KILL THEM! I thought we Romans were experts in bloodwork.

Oh! How very different is the situation I see now than the one I saw at Pharsalus, where these cowardly traitors ran from our forces and later begged for their lives. Now they parade their courage and initiative in your faces and only I seem to care enough to do something about it. If you are truly Romans, rise to bloody and just action. If, however, you want to play the Greek, then sit around and discuss the rights and wrongs of this action, philosophize, and fornicate with little boys, go ahead; you will get no sympathy from me. You will see my opinions through my actions.

One last word to you all: you have seen how M. Antonius treats his allies and supporters. Do not trust him in anything he says or does, or you too will feel a sharp pain in your back!

A defense of the Republic

August Fathers,

We have gathered to discuss what should be done, if anything, with Marcus Junius Brutus and the other men who acted with him on the Ides of March. Should they be branded as the assassins of Caesar? Should they be honored as having freed Rome from Caesar? But I must start with another question.

Who should rightfully be called a Friend of Caesar?

Marcus Lepidus stylizes himself as such, seeking to honor Caesar’s memory by seizing the Forum and erecting a pyre without the help of Caesar’s family. Has Lepidus forgot the results of Clodius Pulcher’s funeral, or does he truly believe that Caesar would wish his burial to bring confusion to the city he loved?

Should Marcus Antonius be called a friend of Caesar? Is it a True Friend who seeks to profit from your own death? Not only did Antony forcibly sieze control of the last Senate meeting, but he also refused Dolabella his rightful place as co-consul. Caesar himself endorsed Dolabella for the consulship, yet Antony, who professes to honor the memory and actions of Caesar, prevented the Senate from discussing Dolabella’s position. It will be remembered, Fathers, that it was Antony’s own vote that kept the second consulship empty. Antony could not endure for Caesar to be buried during the Consulship of Dolabella and Antonius. How shaming to us, Senators, if his own personal vote had heralded the consulship of Marcus and Antonius!

Instead, Caesar’s true friends are those who believed as he believed, and loved as he loved. Marcus Junius Brutus is such a friend. Brutus throughout his life has only concerned himself with the welfare of the Republic. The Republic that we all enjoy was born under the consulship of his ancestor, Lucius Junius Brutus. His house is filled with the busts of honorable Romans who enhanced the glory of Rome through their actions. Is it any wonder that Brutus’ every waking thought centers upon the dignity of Rome? And it was to this man that Caesar showed such affection. Caesar sought Brutus’ advice during his campaigns, and actively ensured his survival in Battle.

Brutus and those who acted with him always remained conscious of their personal debts to Caesar, and the leniency that he showed to them and others in this very room. But these men recognized that the welfare of the Republic always took precedence over personal concerns. They could not stand the loss of honor and dignity that existed– not to themselves – but to the Republic. Caesar was of like mind, having stated that he had “Always reckoned the dignity of the Republic of first importance, and preferable to life.”

But having risen to such a prominence of power, Caesar turned his back upon the Roman people. As dictator Caesar was obliged to see that Rome and the Republic came to no harm. But Caesar did not remain constant in fulfilling his duties to the Republic. He sought escape from the responsibilities of his position, openly commenting that he had achieved enough for any man. It was not hatred of this man that drove Brutus and the others, but their love of Rome and her People.

Through their love for the Republic, Brutus and the others could not ignore the outrage done against the tribunes Gaius Epidius Marcellus and Lucius Caesetius Flavius, when they sought to remove the hated royal diadem from Caesar’s statue. They could not erase from her memory the image of Caesar seated in the Senate, welcoming the Senators like a King of Parthia, instead of standing to greet them like the Roman he was. How could the Republic continue to stand, when the one chosen to lead her people would not?

I urge you, honored Senators, to consider your views of these men carefully. They acted in order to increase the welfare of the Republic. If you condemn these men, then you condemn the Republic as well.

What is to be done?

My fellow conscript fathers, today we must confront an issue that has been in the forefront of not only our minds but also the minds of the people of Rome. The Senate will continue to be stunted and at odds unless we can reach an agreement amongst ourselves as to what is to become of the assassins of Julius Caesar.
There are some who cry out for vengeance against those who struck down such a great man and denied Rome their wondrous leader. They call for the blood of those who betrayed a man whose every action and deed was to further the glory of his mother country. I cannot deceive you, in my deepest self I too would like nothing more than to see the killers of Caesar brought before us and dealt the punishment of their own blades making. However, if the senate decides on such actions than in the end we have truly learned naught from Caesar. How can you proclaim such great loyalty and yet act against that which caused many to swear fidelity to him. Great Caesar knew the advantages of forgiveness. We should not further stunt our country by denying it even more great leaders but should instead silence our pride and look to Caesar’s example.
If the assassins are tried as public enemies, it will only divide the citizens of Rome further. Have we not been plagued by enough rioting in the streets? Let us instead remind the public of Caesar’s instinct to forgive and attempt to ease their troubled minds. I do not say that their crimes against Rome should go unpunished, for what example would the senate be setting by simply letting them walk away from this unscathed while our hearts are freshly torn asunder. I simply ask that you think of the continuation of Rome and that Caesar would not have wanted the city of his heart to tear itself apart no matter what the circumstances.
Still the question of what to do with the assassins remains. One who supported their actions might suggest that they should be lauded, their actions venerated. However fellow senators, I know that I need not convince you that this would be the wrong course of action and would only bring shame down upon the senate and Rome itself. Bringing them to trial may be the only way to fully resolve this matter and finally put Caesar’s shade to rest. My previous mention of forgiveness was only to inspire you in the hopes that you would deal with them not with personal vendetta but instead with a clear and just mind and as always with the betterment of Rome being paramount in your thoughts. Perhaps instead of having them executed or banished and thus causing Rome to suffer the loss of more leaders and causing an even greater rift, the conspirators could make reparations by donating land or goods to the people of Rome who are the true victims of their crimes. Or they might be made to build a great monument to Caesar in remembrance of the great deeds he performed for the glory of his country. I alone am not able to decide the punishment that should be meted out by the Senate for I am only one man and we have seen in recent days how foolish it is for one man of the senate to attempt to make the decisions for many.
If I followed my own selfish desires I would counsel the senate to extract vengeance for our fallen leader in blood but I am full not only of the pain of my own heart but also with that of my people who tire of bloodshed and loss. So instead I ask only that those who loved Caesar to remember his actions and thoughts when dealing with those who did not and as always to put Rome first.

Concerning the Assassins

Conscript fathers, we convene again to decide that matter of the treatment of his assassins. And I say “assassins of Caesar” not “liberators of Rome,” as I have heard some so unceremoniously call those vagabonds, that band of miscreants. Concerning the assassins of the most faithful leader of Rome, one who was also a most dedicated general, and who protected Rome against its foreign enemies, how can there be any doubt as to what should be carried out with regards to his murderers, those killers of the people’s hero? There is no doubt in my mind that as citizens of Rome, they should be put on trial as such, although previously they have shown signs of barbarianism.

Marcus Junius Brutus, a man of senatorial rank, led the assassination against Caesar. At the beginning of the meeting of this most honorable senate on the Ides of March, he and his fellow conspirators swooped down upon the unsuspecting dictator, wounding him more than twenty times, robbing him of his life, disgracing his body publicly. Immediately thereafter they fled, knowing that in truth they had committed a heinous act, and if Justice performed her duty, they would be condemned for the actions which they had recently carried out.

We all agree that something must be done with regards to these, whether you call them liberators or murderers. They cannot continue as they are, either unglorified or unpunished for their deeds, for we senators have a duty to the people of Rome to be the voice of justice and reason with regards to the matters of the state. And this is of great interest to the fatherland, for because of these men, the head of this Republic is taken forever from his people. Of the possible courses of action to be taken against these, I say take these criminals to trial! They do not deserve our reverence as liberators of the sate. For what purpose did they commit this heinous act? To free the people of a leader they loved? To liberate Rome from a brilliant and skilled general? For he was unparalleled in his military conquests, and brought Rome much honor and glory in war, sharing with the people the spoils of his expeditions and enriching Rome with its wealth, and four times celebrating his victory over foreign peoples with a triumphal march. These honors are not bestowed to one whom everyone hates, but one whom all adore. For these reason they cannot be honored in their actions against Caesar. Therefore they must be declared public enemies, with us putting them on trial for the evil they have done. Worse punishments have been carried out for lesser crimes than these; do you not remember the conspiracy of Catiline? In an attempt on a consul’s life only, these men were put to death without trial. The Grachii also were put to death on mere suspicion. In remembrance of these previous acts of this noble senate, how can we let these murderers go unpunished when you were previously so decisive and held up such a strong hand against conspiracy? Therefore let us vote in favor of what is certainly the most just course of action: to bring the assassins to trial.

Dear Senators, I cannot believe my ears. How dare you question the motives of the Liberators? As I have previously stated, these men were unwillingly forced to kill a friend out of love, honor, and respect for their most beloved Rome. Brave Decimus Brutus, who has fought skillfully and victoriously for the glory of Rome. Remember his astonishing fleet in the aid of Caesar that resulted in the victory at Massilia? He was also a distant cousin of Julius Caesar and as you now know, mentioned in Caesar's will. How terrible he must feel to have his hand forced to harm such a beloved friend by the very same friend. He dealt the third blow.
Perhaps you've also forgotten Gaius Trebonius, former tribune and commander of forces at that marvelous victory at Massilia. He also served as legatus to Caesar who praised Trebonius' service. Trebonius was also considered to be in the closest of Caesar's circles. I shudder to think of the horrors he must have endured in delaying Antony, knowing that due to his actions, a short distance away, he was losing a dear friend.
Are your memories so poor as to be unable to recollect Servilius Casca, as well as his brother who ranked among the closest of friends of Caesar? Casca, who fought for Caesar during the civil war yet fought for Rome during the assassination. He and his brother both suffer tremendous losses. Poor Casca, who cared enough for Rome to deliver the first blow.
And now on to our beloved Brutus. How can one question the motivations of Brutus? He was highly favored of Caesar and would have had more personal gain from the life of Caesar than the death. However he chose the interests of Rome over his personal interests as should a
true Roman. Once again, he along with Decimus Brutus was mentioned in his will and would have been consul under Julius Caesar three years from hence. I pity these men for their great personal sacrifice but respect them all the more for their great and apparent loyalty to Rome.
Not only is it clear that these men are liberators from their personal friendship with Caesar and lack of personal benefit in his death, but also in the blatant validity of Caesar as a tyrant. Clearly he could not be beneficial to Rome if he must bring about his own death in the interest of Rome. Had he been a dictator rather than a tyrant, there would not have been division in the Senate and he would have been honored by statues in his likeness and a public burial. Instead, he received a private, soldier's burial. On this issue, I am both satisfied and disgusted. I can concede that he was a skilled military man and thus a soldier's funeral is appropriate. However, his criminal and tyrannical actions made the only resting (or rather floating) place fit for him to be the Tiber. Regardless, the mere fact that he was not honored is proof enough that Caesar was not the great dictator that those among us (who were placed here only as means of furthering Caesar's tyranny, yet they cannot see that they function still only as his pawns) would have you believe. Indeed, he was quietly buried and I would like nothing better than this whole matter to be silenced. It is absurd that we should even think of punishing the saviors of Rome.

Tuesday, February 26, 2008

S.P.Q.R.

There was a time, Romans, when the Senate was a body of leaders. Now it seems that the senate is simply a group of old men- not just as the word literally suggests, but also with the implications of senility and foolishness. Our government is in shambles, a man is dead, and his murderers sit amongst us, yet rather than solve any of these problems, we bicker and moan about the issues apparently waiting for the gods to intervene as they do in one of Plautus’ comedies. Only Lepidus, it seems, had the wherewithal to do anything about a matter that we spent a precious day bickering about! Were we not supposed to discuss the burial of Caesar? Well, Senators, it seems no one dared raise the issue, and instead we forced the hand of the man who seized the body of Caesar. I warned that the matter should be discussed at a later time, but got branded a coward for my caution. Caesar is buried, but at what cost? Now the people will surely believe that it is not reason which governs this state, but the points of swords.

I will remind you all that it is this Senate which rules Rome. Reason, wisdom, and experience rule Rome. Yet to hear our last meeting, you would think that chaos was the real defining mark of the Roman state! The Senate bends and sways with every topic, and cannot remain focused on the matter at hand. If the Senate cannot get control of itself then the people will pay them no heed and indeed we will face mob rule. First, we must establish that there are, as there must be, two consuls. I was elected consul suffectus and that position was supported by Caesar. There should not be a man in this senate who finds fault with one of those two positions. If a man loves Caesar, they will obey his wishes, and if a man loves the people, he will follow theirs. Name me consul, and by the gods do it quickly before some other issue side-tracks us!

Once the Senate has established its solid footing in the consulship, we senators must move on to the matter of the men who murdered Caesar. The people know that Caesar’s killer sits gloating amongst us, his hands still red with blood. The people may begin to believe that only soldiers may control Rome if Lepidus’ example is the only one they have to go by. I suggest we follow Caesar’s example instead. Spare their lives, yes, but keep them away from the senate. As praetor, he has power over our courts, and I say it would be futile to bring a man with such recognition to trial. Even if the Senate could find a man to try him without bias, we know that the eloquent Cicero would speak on his defense, and if only by the connection of these names I foresee the judge lauding him as hero without thinking. I say we should make him and his coconspirators leave Rome. I think the shame of having killed a man who was once so dear a friend to him should be a welcome companion on his trip out of Rome, and a vigilant guard.

Please, Senators, do not distract yourselves with new debates. Even if you disagree with me about Brutus, you must agree that my position as consul is valid. Let us ratify that and have the matter resolved before we debate further on the matter of Brutus. Once it is done, we need not fear power being in the hands of one man, and we can finally look for justice in the name of the Senate and the People of Rome.

Having returned from Apollonia

I would first begin by addressing some concerns about the legions underneath my command. Soldiers loyal to their former general, Gaius Julius Caesar, have sworn their loyalty to myself and my staff commanding the Parthian Army.

As I return to Rome, however, I do not come with the intention of marching upon the city. I have not come with my Army, and have no intention of marching on Rome. I state this as a gesture of good will to the Senate and Citizenry of Rome.

Similarly, since I have been recognized as the legitimate heir of Gaius Julius Caesar, my adoptive father, I intend to honor his financial obligations to the best of my ability.

Finally, I would like to extend my appreciation to the former Magister Equitum, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, for finally doing what needed to be done. During my travels, I was extremely dismayed, and even shocked, to hear that the Senate was locked in quarrel over what to do with the body of my adoptive father, the former dictator Gaius Julius Caesar. It was not bad enough that he was slain on the very floor of the Senate, by men he appointed to their positions, but that they would not even allow him a proper burial was an outrageous indignity.

I was quite shocked to hear of Marcus Aemilius' decision to march upon the Forum with soldiers loyal to Gaius Julius Caesar, but not entirely surprised. This is something many in the Senate have failed to see, but I have known all this time: Rome's warriors loved Caesar. They loved him as their General, and they continue to love him.

I would have much preferred the public funeral, endorsed by the Senate, which my father so richly deserved, however, it is far better and more appropriate this than he be tossed into the Tiber River like the thug the men who murdered him claim he was. In either case, what is done is done, and would prefer not to dwell the flaws in Marcus Aemilius Lepidus' actions so much as the honorable thing he has done, both for the Roman citizenry and the Roman army, which both loved Caesar.

If only it were always possible to honor a man's good deeds and forgive his crime. While my father has finally been buried with some form dignity, the men who murdered him are still free citizens and still enjoy their comfortable positions in the Senate. In particular is Marcus Junius Brutus, leader of the conspiracy.

For a moment, I will try and put aside the sort of injustice that has been done personally to me, and the injustice committed against a man who did so much for Rome. A man who these assassins owe their positions to, whom he had shown clemency after they fought against him. I will try to put aside this most detestable of conspiracies.

What kind of message do we send to the Roman People when such a blatant murderer of one of Rome's leaders, the city fathers, is allowed to walk the streets a free man? What does this say to ambitious men, of whom there are no shortage here. That all their problems can be solved by running a dagger into the backs of those who disagree with them? That murder, not rhetoric or tactics, is the means to ascend to power? That we, as Romans, would tolerate this surely means that we have failed whatever honor we have left. These men must be made examples of to ensure the Republic doesn't descend into madness.

If it were up to myself, I'd have these murders dealt with as they are—murderers. That they be declared public enemies and face death. But these are not the streets outside the Forum, this is the Senate of Rome. We must acknowledge the political realities of the situation. Marcus Junius Brutus, and his fellow conspirators, must pay for their crimes to demonstrate that we Romans are not a people who solve their differences by gutting each other like gladiators. Let them, at the absolute minimum, be stripped of their titles in the Senate, and exiled from Rome.

True action lies in restoring the Republic

Fellow Senators and Romans:

I am well aware of the consequences as leader of the liberators. I foresaw that some of you would view my hand in slaying a tyrant as rash, as impetuous. I have said it before, and I will repeat myself: I will not step down from this office until the wisdom of the Senate declares it so. I am not of an irrational disposition. If I was, how, indeed, gentlemen, would I have been able to be appointed by you men of the Senate to so many important public offices prior to this praetorship? How would I have successfully led many of Pompey's military campaigns during the civil war? How did I curry so much respect from Caesar himself and cultivate such a friendship with the man? So much respect did I gain from that man, that he granted clemency even to Cassius on my behalf, saying that anyone with my will and gravity of character must be obeyed. I have never in my life given in to the flattery of men and tyrants, and always exercised moderation and rationality to the utmost extreme in all of my endeavors. So much so that I knew it was my duty to overlook my friendship with a truly great ruler for the good of the Republic. I ask you to find another man among you who has not made a greater sacrifice for the good of Rome. You do not know the countless sleepless nights I endured because of what had to be done; before the Liberation I spent all hours weighing the options and decided that even though I may sacrifice myself and my reputation (for I see this has almost nearly been accomplished) it is for a worthy cause. Afterwards I slept better, I assure you, soothed by the tyrant's absence.

You call me impetuous and unfit to rule when I am the strongest advocate of the power of the Senate, and the most active in protecting against the rule of one man. Therefore I must humbly reject some of the criticism of my fellow Senators. Lepidus calls himself a man of action: what, then, does that make me and my fellow-liberators? Where was he then? Antony's stalling tactics last time were undermined as Lepidus demonstrated all undue haste to bury Caesar's body without the permission of the Senate. We must show the people that we are united in our cause to restore, Senators! In addition to the desire to lead Caesar's funerary proceedings, thereby rendering the safety of every single noble in Rome to an angry mob, Antony hoards Caesar's acta to himself and does not make privy to the very Senate who rightfully gives him authority what is in these documents. Stop trying to rally the plebs with Caesar's legacy and move on, Antony! Do you not have another leg to stand on? Surely these interests show you, supporters of Caesar's legacy, that Antony has no interest in the honor that your office of Senator commands, much less your own personal safety!

If I am "squabbling" with Antony, it is again due to the Senate's lack to immediately install the other rightful consul, elected by these very people. His unwillingness to do so is plainly outrageous! Antony, although a strong man possessing many honors, is but one man, while the men of the Senate who wish to restore the Republic (and let Caesar lie) are many. He makes a grave mistake when he ignores the pressing issue of Dolabella's consulship; this should not for a moment's time go uncriticized. He accuses Dolabella of such a petty thing as debt. I know that there are many great men in this room who have experienced this at one time or another, thereby making this issue irrelevant. Although many of you may question his character in dealing with financial matters, he was after all elected by the people. At least he does not use his current power in the Senate to request an army, as Caesar did in the year of his first consulship. As many of you know, Caesar waged an unjustified war against a peaceful province and slaughtered countless Spaniards, using the land of innocent people to repay his debts. What a beginning to an "illustrious" political career. Dolabella has done no such thing.

You speak of my inability to see clearly when many leading men in this country were blinded by the popularity of Caesar. If he was more persuasive with the people than you are today, then it is because he displayed an affinity toward the people that you denied during our last unproductive session. It is easier for the plebs to sway the mind of one man than an entire body of learned elders. Of course they loved him when he literally fed them out of his own purse!! You men know the power of the mob: this is the very reason that none of you who feared the growing power, fame, and wealth of Caesar would not dare put him on trial. You feared the loss of your own positions of power. Instead of a deserved trial, this body granted him extended campaigns, thereby making him unstoppable. A trial for such a man, while it would have been better, was unthinkable when so many men of influence were too busy flattering Caesar for their own ends.

I ask you, men of Rome, to stop flattering the people with images of this man, who made us forget who we were. Forget the plebs only to truly remember them, and the glorious Republic! We have much work to do!

On the Matter of the Conspirators

Fellow senators, there are many issues pressing upon us at this time. I am about to speak is one that is of great importance and must be addressed for the good and welfare of the Roman people. Rome is still in great turmoil and we, as the wise and reasoned fathers of the state, should move through these difficult issues as quickly as possible, but we should not move so quickly that we overlook the intricate details involved in these matters. That is, we must work rapidly enough to show that we can work together and that our great city will pull through this challenging time, yet we must not be so hasty as to be rash with our decisions. In the most recent meeting of the senate, we were not even able to accomplish our goal of deciding what to do about the body of our former leader, Gaius Julius Caesar, and this must not set the course for how other issues are handled. Shall we continue to do this, fellow senators? I surely hope, for the sake of Rome, that in future meetings we will be able to discuss each matter thoroughly and come to our conclusions in a timely, judicious manner, fully informed on all sides.

Now we come to the issue of what is to be done about the conspirators and assassins of Julius Caesar. Senators, shall we condemn them to death? Shall we exile them? Shall we send them away from all they know – away from their families and their beloved Rome? Shall we hail them as assassins of one whom some have called a tyrant? Shall we reward their self-described courage to do what they claim the rest of us had no stomach to do? Fellow senators, I personally am not ready to make a final decision about a matter as important as the lives of these men at this time. I wish to make a proposal: I believe that a trial should be held in order to figure out how best to handle the situation at hand. I do not believe that we should come to a decision about the fates of the conspirators without going through proper steps. It would further the cycle of death to proceed without trial, would it not? Murder would lead to more murder. Where and when would it stop? Should we do as they did and murder without due process? I do not think that this would be the best course of action. However, I also do not believe that cold-blooded murder should go entirely unpunished. Otherwise, we will have thrown ourselves back into those dark times when it was almost acceptable to murder our leaders whenever we felt the urge. Shall we return to the times of Tiberius Gracchus? I will recall the history of this example. He was brutally murdered, publicly, also by fellow senators because they disagreed with him. We cannot allow this unjust, rash display of disagreement to continue. We are not barbarians! We cannot allow murder to go unpunished, but we should also take time to think about what should be done and how it should be handled. We cannot be rash and decide without trial – as these conspirators did – the fate of men’s lives.

Let us be examples to our fellow Romans, senators. Let us prove to our fellow citizens that we, as a leading body, are capable of keeping order in our city. By putting the conspirators on trial, we will be following our system of justice and law, thereby, showing that we have matters in control and we are not losing our heads. We, the leaders of Rome, must show calm and collection in this time when our city is in such disarray.

On the Treatment of Assassins

What right did Gaius Julius Caesar’s assassins have to throw Rome into turmoil? For what reason did they believe that they could take the fate of the senate and the Roman people into their own hands? They had no right. This senate, including some of his assassins, voted Julius Caesar the position of Dictator and later Dictator for life. It is not for the few to take it upon themselves to oppose the decisions of this honored assembly. It is the basest hypocrisy to claim to honor our laws and customs while ignoring the decisions of our honored law makers. We cannot show leniency to men who would ignore the laws and edicts of this senate. Regardless of how any of you might feel about Julius Caesar and his policies, he was elected by this administrative body and you must agree that we cannot allow people to ignore Rome’s laws without consequences. We cannot set a precedent that some people have a right to ignore laws set to promote everyone’s safety and prosperity whenever they disagree.
I move that we put these anarchists on trial! We must keep order in the senate to set and example for the plebs. Some of the rioting will cease if we punish the men that have plunged us into turmoil due to their selfish and cowardly actions. The people saw Julius Caesar as their protector and loved him for it. They will not rest until we restore order and punish his murderers. If we simply let these assassins go free the people will riot and bring down those senators who they believe are responsible for the assassination and those who did nothing to punish them for their heinous crime. Are there any among this esteemed judicial body who wish to be pulled down and torn apart by a mod as Julius Caesar was; simply because we did not do our civic duty in punishing the murderers in our midst. It is shameful and cowardly enough that we did not immediately exile those men the moment Gaius Julius Caesar breathed his last.
Gaius Julius Caesar once gave clemency to many of the men who later assassinated him. How was his kindness repaid? It was repaid by betrayal by those whom he called friend and death. Why should we be lenient on men who took an extension of friendship and then conspired and brutally stabbed that friend? Is there any cause for us to trust them now? Brutus was such a friend to Julius Caesar that Caesar named him a secondary heir, seeing Brutus with his assassins must have been as a killing blow from the assassins’ knives. Brutus was dear to Caesar, and he gained Caesar’s trust while pretending to be loyal to our leader, how strong his betrayal. Dare we anger the gods further by not punishing men who committed murder to a man whose friendship they accepted, and at a sanctified temple? What sort of men are we if we condone their actions and do not punish them to the full extent we are able. We do not dare offer extend the hand of friendship to them again for it is a sure sign that they will turn on us all again. Even Cicero, who accepted Julius Caesar’s clemency, turned against a man he once extolled the virtues of and now praises the actions of these heretics. ‘
I ask that you do not condone these heresies and vote with me to return order to Rome and appease the gods by punishing Brutus and his fellow conspirators. We must expel them from Rome on pain of death to clean their taint from this city. Send them wandering far from the edges of the Roman provinces so they cannot spread their evil anywhere in our mighty empire. We cannot allow their disregard of our laws to go unpunished.

A Heroic Tyrannicide

            Fellow Senators, do you not see the ruins all around us?  The Roman Republic lies obliterated, and instead of picking up the pieces, some of you seek to punish the very liberators who freed us from the tyrannical man who brought this devastation upon us.  

            Aulus Hirtius, you say he was a man—a great man.  I will not waste your time listing the obvious reasons as to why this assertion is completely erroneous, but will instead ask you this question.  Is any man, even one who is, what did you say, a “hero, a triumphant general, and a beloved statesman,” more important than the Republic itself?  Should we have watched the work of centuries crumble to the ground, just so we might honor the noble Julius Caesar?  If any of you were true patriots, you would answer with a resounding, “No.”  You who remain silent are cowards, slaves to bribes and evil ambitions—you care not for your great country. 

            But let me identify one man who is a true patriot of Rome.  Marcus Junius Brutus showed us all on the Ides of March how a Roman should act.  He could not stand by any longer, as Caesar humiliated the noble Republic.  You say he is a traitor to turn on a man that had been so beneficent to him, but I assure you the treachery lies with you. 

            It is the mark of an honorable man to sacrifice personal ambitions in favor of what one believes in.  I do not doubt that Brutus could have attained the highest of public offices and the most glorious of spoils if he had allowed Caesar to continue his reign of tyranny.  As we all know, Caesar already had made him governor of Gaul and nominated him as praetor, and these were just the beginnings of the honors he would bestow on the man whom he viewed as a son.  However, Brutus, a better man than most, turned away from the promise of riches and triumph, and followed his conscience. 

            I have already addressed Caesar’s associations with the villain Catiline.  He supported Catiline’s quest for consulship early on, only to fall into the shadows when Catiline became a controversial figure.  Cicero was hailed throughout Rome for derailing Catiline’s heinous plot, and glorified for following your advice that the conspirators be executed.  So why should we not also hail Brutus for rescuing us from a far worse enemy, who actually succeeded in carrying off his wicked plot to destroy the Republic?

            Have we strayed so far from the dignified path of our ancestors, that we actually ponder putting this man on trial?  Do you not remember his venerated ancestor and namesake, the Marcus Junius Brutus of old?  This man took it upon himself to cleanse the Roman Republic of the Tarquinian kings, driving out Tarquinius Superbus and rectifying the state.  The Brutus in front of you followed in his steps and saved us from a new king—a man who censored the tribunes Gaius Epidius Marcellus and Lucius Caesetius Flavius for ordering a laurel wreath, reserved for Jupiter, to be removed from his statue.  But while the ancient Brutus is praised in children’s bedtime stories, the latter is condemned.  This hypocrisy, in the Senate house no less, must end!  Brutus should receive the glory he deserves and should be hailed, along with his accomplices, as the brave tyrannicide of Rome!

De Percussoris

Today, conscript fathers, we must address the fate of the men who have so lawlessly murdered the leader who not only promised prosperity for our future but also set our city on the path to peace. These men have ruined this future. In their haste and lack of just forethought, they raced to accomplish a deed that aided their very own, personal, immediate vision. They conspired to end the life of a man whose political finesse and military prowess have led our state through miserable times. Now, an even more painful era awaits us. It must be decided what to do with these men, what should be done about the chaos in the city, what steps must be taken to put us back on that path to a peaceful future. These complications lie in store for us here in this house because of their weak minded actions.
On the other hand, while their actions speak loudly for a harsh sentence, circumstances merit mentioning that the very core of their motives may have been vaguely well-intentioned or even in some way agreed upon by many man here with us and around the city who choose not to speak. These men had the good of Rome at heart, my compatriots. As unbelievable as their actions might make it, they did intend to create peace with their actions, not disorder and mass chaos within the Senate and the city. They were merely keeping watch upon what they saw as a lack of restraint on the part of Gaius Julius Caesar. Does it hurt to keep a bit of restraint in mind? Did Caesar himself not show restraint in many areas of his life, namely his clemency towards many of his enemies, some of you even among this number? The manner in which this band of men have undertaken the “solution” to their problems certainly argues loudly against the concept as restraint, the “crime” for which they saw fit to punish Caesar.
The question now, sirs, is what should be done with this group of men who claim only to have the good of the Republic in mind, though these same men also have acted in violation of their so well-meaning principles. Do we judge them based on their principles, or do we judge this band of murderers based on their actions, their murderous intentions, and their lawlessness? Is it right to execute these men for assassinating a man guilty of the same crime they are – hypocrisy? How will we, the Senate, fit into this hypothetical cycle of murders? Even if Caesar certainly didn’t deserve to be killed for his “crime,” the murder has unfortunately happened; likewise, these men do not deserve to be killed for their crime, so are you, conscript fathers, going to hand them over for execution and extend a series of unnecessary bloodshed?
Because these men are honorable Senators and distinguished citizens of our state, I cannot advocate the execution of these men. I cannot support any motions to encourage even more chaos or more madness within this sacred place. However, because even now, here, they continue to heckle and incite their opponents, I also cannot advocate their standing here within the Senate. At this point in our crisis, we need to let cooler head prevail, and Brutus and Lucius Caesetius Flavus certainly need not hold office any longer with their yelling and rash decisions. Not only have they proved with this assassination that they cannot make decisions with the entire citizenry in focus, in this last Senate meeting they’ve also proven themselves as thoughtless and careless. They support flashiness and hastiness, criticizing those of us who sit back and put proper consideration into the choices we are now making, who recognize the scope of what we do here in this sacred place. Yes, sirs, this is the time for change; yes, gentlemen, this is the time for rectifying what you and even what Caesar has left us with, but YOU should have no part of it. Conscript fathers, get rid of them! Don’t make the emergency worse by killing them or by allowing them to continue making matters worse here in the Senate, simply get rid of them; banish them. Exile them, send them away to a far off land to stay far, far away from the peaceful future we would like to make for ourselves without the likes of them around to ruin it.

De Coniuratis Caesaris

O conscript fathers, how many years of horrific destruction and death must we bestow upon our glorious city? If state could speak she would wish for peace. The murder of Caesar was certainly not a necessity and has left me greatly disturbed. Assassins, you call yourselves tyrannicides and the “Saviors of Rome” but you have done nothing except bring chaos and embarrassment. Rather than basking in your so-called splendor, you should be begging to not be declared public enemies and put to trial or killed. Thanks to you, our current worldly reputation is disgraceful. Caesar befriended you and you thank him by shedding his blood in a sacred place. You not only slaughtered our acclaimed leader but broke the pact of friendship. Is this what our Republic has come to? Where our very own elected officials must be weary of their own friends while carrying out their duty? How can it be possible to stand united if our own Senate is severely divided by factions and broken alliances? How can we accomplish anything if our so-called meetings are reduced to squabbling? I know many of you before me, friend or foe of Caesar; have lived in fear and confusion since this atrocious action took place. Rome must come to justice! Using the words of the wise Epicurus, justice is neither to harm nor be harmed. The entire point of living with laws and punishments is to be protected from harm. Rome must be a city where we protect all citizens, whether private or those holding public office. This cannot be attained if our governing body is too busy plotting homicides rather than protecting and guiding a city the Romans can be proud of. Fathers of the Senate, I now propose, not necessarily what is fair, but what is necessary for the continuous glory of Rome. The best way to honor the grandeur of our Caesar is to show that we have learned from his astonishing clemency. We should not encourage a renewed conflict but rather move towards reconciliation. What good would continued conflict do besides further the tedious horrors of war? Remember, I am one of the most experienced senators here, having been both consul and censor, and therefore you must take what I propose very seriously. Having said this, I propose a general amnesty. One of the greatest pleasures in life is obtained by friendship and I encourage you to seek it. Seek it not by spilling more blood but instead by uniting to show our strength and honor in times of crisis. Fellow senators, please attempt to put your hatred aside and let all be forgiven. Ordinarily, I admit that I would be glad to put the murderers to trial because they committed the worst crime possible under untimely circumstances. I would gladly support this notion if I did not believe it would sink us deeper into discord. However, I am willing to go above my personal feelings on the matter for the good of Rome. Rome cannot stand tenacious if we are constantly burdened by internal conflict and I am afraid that this may be the only way to avert from warfare. Let it be understood that I am not suggesting the murderers be praised or rewarded! I am eager to see the reign of the disastrous internal collision come to an end! Let us unite and do our duty! As evidence of my neutrality, I hereby declare that I will be happy to collaborate with any of you, Fathers of the Senate, regardless of political faction, in support of reconciliation.

Know your role

Good men of the Senate, what are we to do? For all of you it seems that there is only one right answer; the problem lies within the fact that I am looking at 900 right answers. With Caesar’s Will having been read publicly his intentions for the empire are no secret and the people eagerly await their bequests. It is no surprise to anyone here that Caesar was no fool. He knew exactly what he was doing when he left the people well taken care of. Yes, he did owe them his power. He did owe them that. He also owed everyman in this room for that same power. So now we are left with an adoring public that feels closer to their late Caesar than ever before and a grumbling senate divided and guilty. If those responsible for this murder were not in my audience it seems the answer would be simple. The assassins would be hunted and put to immediate death. Yet, this is not the case.
In order for the proper actions to take place, the decision on what the act truly was needs to be decided. If it was a murder, it should be dealt with as a murder. If the killing was a noble act of tyrant-slaying, exalt the liberators and erect statues in the forum. Whatever the case may be it needs to be done quickly and it needs to be done fairly. Histories are being recorded as we speak and our hesitations are allowing ignorant men to create stories as they see fit. Our job in this Senate is to maintain order. We as survivors of the Empire hold the power in our hands. If the men who committed this act expect to be let off without prosecution then they expect the Republic to be no more. I am not calling for their death in any shape or form; I am calling for a step away from the oligarchy which is at our porch, the triumphrant which is in the doorway, and the dictator with his hand on your shoulders. If we do not address this murder in the same manner as we would for any other person of political importance, we are allowing those with the longest dagger to rule the ballot boxes. For these reasons, there must be a proper trial.
We are still Roman senators and we still have a job to do. Just as Caesar’s power did not protect him from death, their power as senators will not secure their fates either. This is a matter for Senators to debate and the Gods to finalize. If we move in haste to hail these men as liberators you run the risk of riots in the very streets which you were trying to protect. The Roman people will not take kindly to those whom they appointed, picking off the man who just left them lush gardens and tangible, clinking love. Though they may balk at the notion of a trial as opposed to a manhunt, a trial is a very reasonable and deliberate course of action for the matter at hand. Unless you want the decision of the taking of the life of Gaius Julius Caesar to be considered rash, you should not act as such lest the same fate fall upon you the next time you step onto the senate floor. Now is the time to redeem yourselves’ men. For if you follow the laws of Rome today, you may live to have a say in the law of Rome tomorrow.

Looking Forward

Senators, distinguished fathers, now that Caesar has been buried it occurs to me that some among you would enjoy nothing more than to give to Caesar’s assassins the same fate granted to that tyrant. Have I not emphasized before that death is the very LAST solution for solving problems? Caesar is dead and buried. This is a favor done for Rome. There is no reason for more bloodshed or persecution. When was the last time benefactors of our city have been threatened with prosecution or death?

Do not destroy those brave men who stood up for the Republic when no one else would. Do not put on trial those courageous men who were not paralyzed by the fear of Caesar’s power. Do not punish those men who risked their own lives trying to prevent a King from ascending to power.

There is similarly no reason to outlandishly glorify Caesar’s assassins with public works projects, statues, or any other manner of state sponsored honors. We have done what any noble Roman living in any period would not have hesitated to do. Let us move on with the business of the city and not lose sight of the fact that Caesar’s short but vile reign haunts us even now as we struggle to regain control and order in Rome.

The burden of death does not fall on the dead, but on the living. We all carry profound emotions for Gaius Julius Caesar. Do not let your emotions ignite the flames of vengeance in your hearts. It is important to keep in mind that even today ambitious generals and a few of Caesar’s own protégés are vying for the same type of power that Caesar so quickly abused. Lepidus did not have the Senate’s approval when he buried Caesar; and it is evident by the way that Antonius conducted the first meeting that his motives do not correspond with stability.

Let passed events stay in the past. There is no need to continue to argue in the Senate, the strongest symbol of Rome’s world influence, about trivialities. There is need, however, to restore stability to our city. Without a solid leadership Rome is no more powerful or influential than Athens without her Navy, or Sparta without her discipline. If we cannot solve this problem of leadership, what is to prevent outside interests from taking over our city? Already we have Cleopatra, that sordid woman from the east, listening with great interest to our Senate meetings. She may not be thought of highly in Rome, but she has influence over the Egyptians and under the right circumstances could mobilize support for a power-grab in Rome. Hers and other foreign armies are just outside our doors!

More pressing matters need to be addressed than how to deal with the few of us who were brave enough to prevent the complete destruction of our old ways of governing. We must now live in the present, where, if not given careful enough consideration, our own affairs will surely be taken over and handled by barbarians or someone else, who, like Caesar, desired nothing but personal power.

Ad Cleopatram

Sired by the sands of a barren land,
This whore-queen gives freely to our men of power,
Opening her legs to achieve what she's planned,
One lover dead, another to devour.
She defiles the Senate with conniving seduction,
Whether under or on top, she encourages corruption.
Serpent, Siren, be gone!
Rome is not your petty pawn.

Tyranicide and its Rewards

Conscript Fathers, it appears we have a very simple legal question on our hands. There are those who in the Senate who feel a murder has been committed, and those who do not. Now let us examine this proposition. What do we mean when we say Caesar was murdered? Certainly, a man is dead by the hand of his peers. But surely not all killings are unlawful. A man may be put to death for all manner of crimes. Indeed, many a man thought to be good and virtuous has committed heinous crimes. Caesar was a friend to many, yes. A benevolent man to be sure. He made the people happy. But pleasure doled out is NOT the measure of a good ruler. Caesar sought to destroy the state. Whatever his past accomplishments, however amicable his past disposition, Caesar was a tyrant. Is the murder of a tyrant a crime? If we are in our right minds, we must answer no. All crimes against the state merit the punishment of death. Caesar committed the crime; he paid the price. But now there are those among us who not only wish to cast this act as a crime itself, but also wish to have those brave Romans who stood for the Republic tried as common criminals. This sort of talk is not only non-sense; it is treasonous. It smacks of personal revenge. What sort of state do we live in where we will punish virtuous action? The state exists to encourage virtue in the community. What greater virtue is there than to protect the community from those who would impose tyranny upon it? Nay brothers, do not call the tyrant slayer to task. Rather call to task those self-serving ingrates who would betray their fatherland and betray her into the hands of the tyrant.

Sinners or Saints

My fellow senators, I was present when the murder took place, however I do not see it as my right to judge the merits of whether it was right and wrong to take such actions. I am not a god nor do I claim to have the ability to see the future, so I am unable to say whether these events will bring good or ill. I hope, for all of our sakes, that the actions taken where in the best interest of Rome. However, we will never know what would have happened had Gaius Julius Caesar been allowed to remain dictator for life. He may have restored the monarchy, or he may have made a stronger republic. No matter what side you may support, or what you may personally believe we can never know what would have truly happened. I do trust the men involved believed themselves to be doing what was in the best interest of Rome. They perceived a threat to our nation and they acted upon it. I can find no fault with acting to protect your country when you believe it is being threatened, to do anything less would make you a traitor.

For now, I must imagine that the gods would not have allowed such an action had it not been in fated for Julius to die on that day. If Julius was not destined to die on that day surely the gods in their infinite wisdom and ability could have stopped the actions of mere mortals. I would trust the gods’ wisdom well before my own, so I can only take their inaction to be a sign that these events were meant to come to pass. To believe otherwise would be denying your belief in the gods, which I am sure no wise senators, such as yourselves, would do. That being said, the death of Julius must have been the will of the gods. Therefore, these men were only enacting the will of the gods, for which none can fault them. The wrath of the gods is swift and merciless, so I would not be the judge of any man who has the will of the gods behind him, much less a group of men whose actions are supported by the gods.

These men also had the courage to act upon their beliefs. Whether or not these beliefs were misguided, these men were willing to give their lives to protect our great Empire. Men who would make the ultimate sacrifice for their cause are hard to find. Many a man will make bold claims and loud boasts, without ever trying to do anything to prove those claims. However, it takes a man of courage and strength to follow through on those boasts even at cost to himself. These men may not be heroes, but they are certainly patriots.

We must also ask ourselves if they are the ones we should blame for these actions. After all, they would not have acted had Gaius Julius Caesar not been poised to pronounce himself king. And who might have encouraged such actions? Marcus Antonius is just as much at fault for the death of Julius as any of the men involved in his murder. He was eager for Caesar to be proclaimed king. I believe that he did so for his own purposes, not for the glory of Rome. The men involved in Julius’ death would not have acted so quickly if not for Marcus Antonius trying to glorify Caesar and make him king. We should not try to place blame on some and exclude others that are just as responsible for this assassination. If we are to accuse these men of murder, then I say we must also include Marcus Antonius as one of the men responsible.

On the Issue of Brutus and the Conspirators

My fellow Senators, I have always been proud to call myself a Roman citizen and senator and to associate myself with the others who have held this position as well. However I now find myself in shock over the actions of some of my fellow senators towards Julius Caesar. I cannot believe that Senators of Rome would lower themselves to the position of assassin, much less towards the leader and protector of Rome. You “Liberators” claim that you were seeking to overthrow a tyrant, but look at what your actions have caused. Yesterday in the Senate we reduced ourselves to arguing amongst each other instead of working towards restoring peace and stability in Rome. While our actions were regrettable those more recent ones of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus were completely horrific and almost as heinous as those of Brutus and his conspirators. However, I will not let my rage lead to rash actions as I am sure Lepidus allowed his emotions to. You so called “Liberators” wanted to protect Rome from a tyrant, yet your actions have caused panic and fear in all of Rome. Your actions have caused a man to march troops into our great city, not to restore the peace but to gain power and move himself closer to the now vacant position of dictator, which you so desperately wanted to be rid of.


If all of this were not enough we all took oaths to protect Caesar. Have you no pride in your own word? Did that mean nothing to you? Marcus Junius Brutus you speak of Caesar's downfall being declared dictator perpetuus, but was it not the Senate herself who declared this title upon Caesar. If this was so repulsive to you why did you not fight harder to deny him this. You and your conspirators were seeking to undo an action of this body. You claim you want to restore the Republic, but what were you doing but destroying it by acting out against the will of the Senate. Caesar has done nothing but care for the people and senators of Rome, especially you Brutus. He pardoned you after the Civil War, pushed for your election to public office, and helped you gain the power you have today. Yet how did you repay him, by acting as judge and jury, condemning him to death yourself. An action that can be considered tyrannical itself.


While some would call for the assassination or pardon of the assassins of Caesar I will leave the punishment of Brutus and his fellow conspirators to the courts, here they will be granted a fair trial with the opportunity to defend their actions. While this opportunity was not granted to Caesar by his assassins I will not lower myself to the position of the so called “Liberators” by taking matters into my own hands. I choose to act within the law of Rome, granting them the courtesies that they refused to Caesar. Even now as I grieve for Caesar and his accomplishments yet to come, I place my faith in the jury, the courts, and this Senate to give an appropriate punishment to the assassins of Gaius Julius Caesar, protector and father of the people of Rome.

Please Read - Speeches!

I have slightly altered the policy for turning in speeches. Please turn in a hard copy of your speeches if possible. You can give these to me in class or you can put them in my mailbox in the Park Hall Classics lounge. If there is no way to turn in a hard copy, I will accept an email, but please put both your name and your character's name not just in the email but also in the attached file. Also, please do this in a header just like a formal paper. Sometimes I do not know whose paper I am receiving because not all of your email addresses reflect your names. As usual, all papers are due by 5:00 tomorrow.

A Matter for the Courts

Conscript fathers, as has so often happened during this time of turbulence, there has come before the Senate a choice which is really no choice at all. For while some of you may state either from pride, anger, or other strong emotion that the conspirators who took Gaius Julius Caesar’s life must either be killed or venerated, if you allow your reason to overtake your spirit, you must see the only true and worthy course of action. So that we might firmly reestablish order in our state, we must allow the matter of Marcus Junius Brutus and his co-conspirators to be prosecuted in the court system. You may ask what purpose such a move might serve, as the jury will necessarily be overrun by the men you see around you in this room, and, at first glance, it may appear that there would be no difference between the results of a trial and the decision that would be made should we put it to a vote here and now. I would say that you are mistaken, but only history will be able to assess the truth or fallacy of my words. Thus, instead of the results, we must consider the appearance of this august body and the implications it may hold for the stability of the state as a whole.

In our last meeting, Marcus Tullius spoke of Caesar as a man, and in this he spoke the truth. Gaius Julius Caesar was a man, but are there not divisions among men? Do not natural distinctions exist between the virtuous and the vile, the heroic and the base? Are we not required to honor these varying forms of men with appropriate rites and tributes?

Yes, Caesar was a man, but he was also a hero, a triumphant general, and a beloved statesman. Even if you should choose not to honor him as our dictator, are you not still required, if not by the customs of our ancestors then by the very laws of the gods, to mark him for his great works among the barbarians of Gaul, not to mention his many other great services to the state? Indeed, had decisive action not already been taken by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, we would have had no option other than to give Caesar the funeral his accomplishments required.

And if we were obligated to honor Caesar with a funeral befitting to his station and his person, how may we escape the idea that his murderers must be brought to trial? For, if Caesar was a man, and I assure you that he was, regardless of the slanderous and licentious accusations of some of the members of this Senate, then his needless, violent slaughter must be avenged by the state in the same fashion that the murder of any man would be. To do any more, either by sending the conspirators into exile far from Rome or by ordering their outright execution, would be reactionary, and, at the very least, would do little more than brand this body with the same accusations that followed Marcus Tullius after the deaths of the Clodian conspirators. Indeed, we would hardly be able to blame our accusers if they were to refer to our actions as an extension of those taken by Sulla. By the same token, to do any less would insult the memories and mores of our ancestors and disregard the divine mandates that those customs represent.

If you wish to continue this journey to return the state to its former glory as a republic with all speed, as you signaled so clearly in our previous meeting, we must work, not only to reestablish the founding principles of our state such as the rule of two consuls, but also to hold onto those institutions which so often may be thrown by the wayside in turbulent times in favor of more direct action. Honorable senators, in order to maintain the stability of our nation and retain the integrity of the Senate’s image as the advisory body of this republic, we must prosecute these conspirators through the mechanism of a court of law.

With the Forum having been siezed, Caesar has been buried

Only yesterday I was trying to imagine how painful it must have been for Julius Caesar, having been taken by surprise, to feel the knives of his patrons and allies plunging into his back. How much more wretched is it for me that today I know that same feeling all too well. It is sad for me to see my fellow “followers of Caesar” place a higher concern on betraying than burying their own. I see now how my concern for maintaining even an appearance of unity among my fellows will ultimately end. I have seen your true characters. I understand all too well now those sentiments of Caesar that the Republic is hopelessly flawed. I always felt that the Republic needed more men of more action and fewer words. Now that conviction is solidified in my mind.
Therefore, in accordance with the conduct and spirit of Caesar, I have addressed my troops and recounted again to them the injuries that Caesar and I have suffered at the hands of Senatorial squabblers and backstabbers. They feel all too keenly the pain of seeing their two commanding officers stabbed in the back on successive days. So we rose up as a body, being the only true followers of Caesar left in Rome. We took his body from the house of Calpurnia. With the Forum having been seized, we assembled there and gave Caesar the burial he deserved, the burial of a general of the Roman army, which is the backbone of this empire. With a pyre having been erected, he has been burnt, surrounded by his loyal soldiers, the only loyal followers left to him. It is done. You senators now have one less issue to squawk at each other about. I care no more for words. My actions are completed.
I can only hope that you fools will one day learn from your former mistakes. Did you hope, by treating me in the exact same way, to right the situation you put yourselves in by your treatment of Caesar? Is it not the definition of insanity to repeat an action and expect a different result? Did not both he and I offer to lay down their power on one simple condition? Did you not only become more belligerent at such shows of peace? You only made a dictator out of Caesar by prematurely declaring him to be so, and by your shameful actions in response to my moderate words, you have forced me to the only path that my dignitas would allow. But enough of that.
As far as Brutus and the rest of his ilk are concerned to me, their actions are done as well. Would that I could, but it is not in my power to change them. Of course the anger of their crime still burns in my heart, and if they show their face to my army or to me, you can be assured that they will die. They know this all too well. But I can say this one thing in their favor: at least there are a scattered few other men of action left in Rome.
One last word to you all: you have seen how M. Antonius treats his allies and supporters. Do not trust him in anything he says or does, or you too will feel a sharp pain in your back!

Consulship and Burial

Senators, I am sure that there are those few among you who fear that my actions at our assembly overstepped my authority and duty to the republic. On the contrary, as the legitimate ranking member of the senate I felt compelled to assert my position to both uphold the law of Rome and my own respect for Caesar. Caesar’s burial and the good of Rome are my two motivating forces. Allow me to retrace and clarify my actions to explain why Caesar's burial is paramount, why I take issue with Dolabella’s appointment, and why the senate did not run smoothly.

Upon entering the senate I knew that few people planned to support M. A. Lepidus as magister equitem. I also came with the knowledge that those planning to attack Lepidus did so with the intention of postponing Caesar’s burial as long as possible. In order to forestall the inevitable time consuming attacks on M. A. Lepidus I chose to immediately assert my legitimacy. This brought us to the relatively quick choice to either acknowledge our former Magister Equitem or to remove him from his position. Clearly the will of the senate was definitive in this matter and my suspicions that Lepidus lacked support and legitimacy were confirmed. Despite your objection to his previous position I urge you to consider him for a new one. He is a good man and loyal to Rome.

I wished then to move immediately to address the issue closest to my heart, Caesar’s burial. Once we avoided the obvious objections to Lepidus I expected less trouble in discussing Caesar and the right course of action. I consider this not as only an emotional issue, but as a practical consideration as well. We must bury Caesar as a hero publicly and with public funds for two reasons. First, we must soothe the aching hearts of the people and ourselves. Second, we must realize that choosing to grant this funeral upholds the legitimacy of the current composition of the senate. If we do anything less than give Caesar his full honors then we effectively declare his time as dictator illegitimate. The consequence of this is that none of the magisters could continue to rightfully hold position, none of Caesar’s legislations would hold any sway, and many of you as appointees would lose your status in this assembly. This sort of confusion would destroy Rome in her current state of disorganization. The logistical problems in refusing Caesar his due overwhelm any objections based on idealistic wishes or personal grudges.

Unfortunately, my plan to quickly resolve the issues of the Magister Equitem and Caesar’s burial came to a halt at the instigation of Cicero and his cronies. Although I hoped to sate their ongoing lust for disorder with my legitimacy as consul, they attacked me just the same as they would Lepidus. I managed to do nothing but put myself in his place and assume the vindictive invectives designed for him. Their insistence forced the issue of Dolabella’s appointment, and I remind you that Caesar still lies unburied and unseen. Sadly, in my haste to respect Caesar and speed to his burial, I got caught in the webs of politicians.

I am not sure at this point if they fear my seat in the senate, or if they wish to continue forestalling Caesar’s honors, probably both. To these ends they raise the most distasteful Dolabella to affirm him as consul. This is secondary to the affirmation of our entire state and of our fallen hero. I burn to give myself and all the People of Rome a chance to contribute our grief to the body of our great Pater, our Caesar. There is no other way to commit this man to the after life than to use public funds for not just one man, but all of Rome mourns and it is only right that we offer this man who offered us so much a lavish final farewell.

As for Dolabella himself, why would you place such a notorious vagrant beside me as consul? You all must see that a man who lacks the sense to manage his own estate could never hope to manage the senate. He is not only fiscally bankrupt, but morally as well. Such a man will only burden Rome with his avarice as consul. In spite these obvious objections to him, I consider the will of Caesar and your objections to my singular consul ship. So many voices call to appoint him. So many voices, but I can see only one true beneficiary in the masses. How much does Dolabella owe you Cicero? How much does a consul cost these days? How far are you willing to compromise your values just to see your power restored in the senate?

I still can not ignore the voices of so many in Dolabella’s favor, especially the fading voice of Caesar. To preserve one of Caesar’s final decrees as well as the balance and peace in Rome, I am willing to accept Dolabella as coconsul. I insist that nothing good will come of this, but compromise is the key to a safe and restored Rome. All I am willing to do in order to secure Caesar’s rights, and each of our rights as senators and magisters. The senate will meet tomorrow to discuss both the burial of Caesar and the legitimacy of Dolabella, let us value wisdom and expediancy in these matters. May peace reign in Rome.


Marcus Antonius